May I suggest that it is Australia which is going fastest to ruin.

Australia has a massive, out-of-control net foreign debt, and 19 per cent of the labour force is seeking full-time employment. Yet in the so-called "serious newspapers", like The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald and The Australian Financial Review, which the shallow electronic media depend upon for their news and information, one is unable to criticise economic globalisation, the cause of this disastrous situation.
As the late B A Santamaria claimed in chapter 32 of the 1997 second edition of Santamaria: A Memoir (Oxford University Press), "the difficulty in turning the tide is in the fact that powerful individuals and forces are making enormous fortunes out of the ruin of Australia".

We now live in the virtual dictatorship of a foreign-controlled media. Australia resembles a country occupied by foreign corporations, in which our journalists, bureaucrats and politicians are collaborators. In most areas, and especially where the profit motive of the transnational corporations and global finance is at stake, only one point-of-view is tolerated, and that ideology is economic globalisation. One may be provocative, but only about matters which are irrelevant. Dissidents like Pauline Hanson and Graeme Campbell are persecuted, or marginalised and ignored.
Federal Cabinet is especially weak when up against the power and profits of the transnational corporations, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which is the front organisation and debt collector for the transnational banks, such as Chase Manhattan and Citicorp.
Our spineless, time-serving politicians, and promotion-seeking bureaucrats, have capitulated to foreign interests, and have become what earlier generations of patriotic Australians would have had no hesitation in calling "traitors".
Senior officials with Federal Treasury and the Reserve Bank alternate their positions with appointments to the IMF and similar organisations, which are controlled by privately rich foreigners. It is difficult to separate Rupert Murdoch's financial and business interests from the ideological commitments of his senior editors.

Being an admirer of Mr Murdoch, I wish to give him the benefit of the doubt - but, as they say, behind every great fortune is a terrible crime. Journalists are a dime a dozen, and as the Pauline Hanson phenomenon has shown, the majority of metropolitan journalists have the integrity of sewer-rats.
Rupert Murdoch's ruthlessness with editors who do not measure up to his expectations is well-known.

A relatively small group of treacherous editorial managers, who are threatened with the sack should they get out-of-line, strongly influence the economic agenda of Australia, in what amounts to a virtual dictatorship of the foreign-controlled media.
These unethical pseudo-professionals resemble an unelected and unaccountable traitor class. Most informed observers agree that the editorial managers of the Murdoch and Fairfax newspapers are well-aware of the consequences of their actions.
Their well-paid loyalty to foreign corporate advertisers, and their ideological commitments to Fabian socialism; the United Nations; the World Trade Organisation (WTO), and other front organisations for global big business; and the IMF, the transnational bankers' debt collector, make these editorial managers "traitors" to the sovereignty of the ordinary people of Australia, many of whom are without livelihoods and career prospects, and who are being dispossessed of their public assets and, indeed, their country.

A perverse groupthink pervades the so-called "cosmopolitan intelligentsia". The superficial training of journalists and the single subject specialisation of economists curse the Australian New Class.
Many metropolitan journalists, especially when financially rewarded, readily convert to internationalist ideologies, like the paradoxically named economic rationalism, with a simple faith resembling religious revelation and conviction.
Why journalists, academics and bureaucrats should think themselves experts on protective trade tariffs is hard to fathom. Most of these ideologues have no industrial experience and have never produced anything other than hot-air and paperwork.

Journalists like Paul Kelly and Alan Wood on The Australian, and Ross Gittins and Max Walsh with The Sydney Morning Herald, are capable of extraordinary mental contortions to prove black is white, and that the ideology they have been paid to promote will eventually work for Australia as a whole.
These editors have been well-paid to promote the economic ideology of rich and powerful foreigners, and they would almost certainly have been replaced if they did not write as they continue to do.
To be fair, Tim Colebatch and Kenneth Davidson, with Melbourne's The Age, and some journalists on Melbourne's Herald Sun, are occasionally critical of economic rationalism. The Australian used to publish the nationalist economic views of B A Santamaria (1915-1998), and has published a few letters critical of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI).
Nevertheless, considering the total amount of editorial space available, these are very small concessions to fair and balanced journalism.

Concerned Australians expect factual reporting, not journalists with superficial missionary causes. Where one should find independence and balance, even so-called "serious journalism" is full of irresponsibility and ALP-bias. For many Australian journalists, Whitlam and Keating remain sacrosanct.
Many metropolitan journalists have lost credibility with ordinary Australians and are certainly way out of step with the population as a whole.

Members of the arrogant New Class believe they know better than ordinary Australians why Australia should be Asianised, deskilled, disarmed and deceived, and so they heavily censor any alternative view to their own, or criticism of their own tunnel vision.
Letters to the Right of a narrowly political Left spectrum are rarely published. Many Australians call this abuse of media power treason.

In his book, Tunnel Vision: The Failure of Political Imagination (1996), James Walter concludes that "public debate will ... not happen while the media are populated by people whose views are identical to those of the politicians and advisers they report.
And it will not happen where the personalisation of combat politics and the theatre of economics substitute for the analysis of ideas. There is unlikely to be wide-ranging and diverse debate where media monopolies dominate the field, and the concentration of media ownership in Australia is therefore a continuing concern".

Professor Walter actually states the problem in reverse. It is the major media which tend to control the time-serving politicians.
A significant essay published in the US Foreign Affairs journal, or an important policy statement from the IMF in Washington, DC, or from Rupert Murdoch in Los Angeles, will be adapted for Australia, and then published as an article in The Australian, often by Paul Kelly.
Criticism is spiked. Within a short space of time, the substance of such an article often becomes official Australian Government policy. That is, our politicians follow rather than set the economic agenda.

Most of Australia's highly concentrated, metropolitan newspapers are foreign-controlled, and Sydney's unaccountable senior editors very rarely publish anything about foreign-owned transnational corporations paying little or no taxation on their Australian profits; the extraordinary level of foreign-ownership of corporate Australia (estimated to be about 90 per cent); or supporting protective tariffs for Australian manufacturers.

American Rupert Murdoch's News Limited controls Australia's only general national daily, all the major newspapers in Brisbane, Adelaide, Hobart and Darwin and roughly half the major press in Sydney, Melbourne and Perth.
Citicorp and Chase Manhattan Nominees are principal shareholders of News Corporation, while the New Zealand-based Brierley Investments Limited is John Fairfax Holdings' principal shareholder.
News Limited and the John Fairfax group together own nearly all the major newspapers in Australia.

Rupert Murdoch's refusal to publish Chris Patten's prospective book on China and the West, only brings to the surface what many have been fighting against for years.
Many Australians have found it almost impossible to have anything published in Rupert Murdoch's national daily, The Australian, critical of economic globalisation.
With this newspaper oligopoly and the resultant abuse of media power, small wonder that News Corporation has surpassed BHP, "The Big Australian", in market capitalisation.

The experience of like-minded friends and myself corroborates W C Wentworth's claim, made in his Quadrant review (Jan/Feb, 1997) of a book on Sir John (Black Jack) McEwen (1900-80), where he writes about the near impossibility of having anything critical of economic globalisation published in The Australian, The Sydney Morning Herald or The Australian Financial Review.
By heavily censoring one side of the so-called "tariff and financial deregulation debates", as well as the Asianisation, multiculturalism and disarmament debates, the unprofessional and corrupt media have turned journalism into blatant propaganda.
The promotion of so-called "laissez-faire free trade" (which in reality means freedom for corporate oligopolies to destroy small operators) does not extend to the free flow of ideas.
Ideas are apparently too dangerous to be free.

The corruption of the Australian media has two main causes. Firstly, it is caused by pseudo-professional, socialist editors imposing their dystopian one-world-government tyranny on a largely unsuspecting populace.
Mostly, however, it is the result of the corrupting influence of the enormous fortunes to be made by pandering to foreign corporate advertisers. Advertising revenue is used as a carrot and a stick to extract and enforce editorial policy favourable to the profit maximisation of transnational big business and global capital.
In Sydney and Melbourne, the Fairfax newspapers have combined the commercial position of publisher with that of editor-in-chief, thus compounding this corruption.

A huge fortune is being made by News Corporation's compliance with foreign corporate pressure for economic globalisation, tariff removal and financial deregulation.
In turn, Murdoch needs this advertising revenue to repay the huge debt and dividends he owes his financial sponsors, such as the Citicorp and Chase Manhattan Nominees, his principal shareholders.
The last thing foreign-owned corporations and transnational banks need is a politician like Pauline Hanson, advocating the popular Industry Policy of a return to protective tariffs and "national" economics.
To eliminate Pauline as a threat, she has been unjustly smeared as a racist and attempts have been made to discredit One Nation as extremist. Without radical changes to the foreign-controlled media, this is likely to be the treatment expected by any patriotic political candidate brave enough to challenge the domination of foreign interests.

In his controversial book, Armed and Ready: The Industrial Development and Defence of Australia 1900-1945 (1995), Andrew Ross examines local manufacture of the Wirraway and Boomerang aeroplanes, and other munitions, and gives recognition to Sir Laurence Hartnett (1898-1986), Sir Lawrence Wackett (1896-1982), Sir Colin Fraser (1875-1944), Essington Lewis (1881-1961), and others.
These outstanding Australian industrialists had the support of their Federal Government.

Today, Australia's threatened manufacturers, who are often reported to be waiting for vision from the Federal Government, need to be disabused about the underlying agenda of the New Class, as they do not seem to understand that Prime Minister John Howard and his Cabinet are advised by Federal Treasury bureaucrats, Canberra academics and metropolitan newspaper editorialists who are well-paid to have what resembles a near religious faith in economic globalisation.

Public opinion polls show that an overwhelming majority of Australians want protective tariffs to save our manufacturing industries and their employment prospects.
However, Labor and the Coalition were virtually indistinguishable on Industry Policy. Both have surrendered to foreign interests and the power of the foreign-controlled media.
With Industry Policy, as with large-scale Asianisation, both parties lack democratic legitimacy and are kept in power artificially by a corrupt and traitorous media, promoting foreign interests which are on balance unfavourable to the majority of ordinary Australians.
Australia's Industry Policy and Asian Immigration Policy are both driven by the profit motive of the foreign corporations and the subversive interests of global finance.

The New Class in the media, bureaucracy, universities and politics is using economic globalisation, and the comparative advantage ideology and propaganda of the big predatory foreign corporations, to destroy Australian manufacturing, and turn Australia into little more than a quarry, granary and dumping ground for the surplus overpopulation of the Asian nations, which have low wages for long hours, high tariffs, manufacturing subsidies and cunningly hidden, non-tariff trade barriers (eg, Japanese bureaucratic health and safety standards).
According to Fred Argy, the former director of the Economic Planning Advisory Council, and secretary of the Campbell Committee, it was "an orgy of imprudent, exuberant lending" and the "herd instinct, greed and stupidity" of investment fund managers, rather than government economic intervention, which caused the Asian crisis (News Weekly, 1998 April 04).

Economic globalists often pay homage to Adam Smith (1723-90) as their intellectual patron saint. Yet these economic rationalists betray Adam Smith's ideas and miss the tragic irony that this great Scot presented a radical condemnation of corporate oligopolies sustained by the state.
Smith's ideal was a market composed solely of small buyers and sellers with a significant degree of equality in the distribution of economic power. Smith was a moral philosopher who published his Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) when a member of the brilliant Scottish circle which included historian and philosopher David Hume (1711-76);
and later, as a member of the Literary Club of Dr (Samuel) Johnson (1709-84), his seminal The Wealth of Nations (1776) appeared.

The rapid electronic flow of massive amounts of speculative capital across national borders tends to make Adam Smith's 18th Century theories obsolete.
What we have in Australia today is domination of industry by relatively few, giant, predatory, foreign-owned, transnational corporations which, apart from the East India companies, did not exist in the 18th Century to any significant degree.
Adam Smith was a pragmatic moralist, and it is most unlikely that he intended his ideas to be taken to the unilateral extreme and consequent destructiveness that they have been by Canberra's economic ideologues.

When the major political parties admit accepting large campaign contributions from Australian companies, they usually mean from the Australian subsidiaries of foreign-owned transnational corporations, there being relatively few companies left which are truly Australian-owned.
The Australian Financial Review reported (1998 Feb 03) that the Liberal Party received a $4.6 million secret loan from the Greenfield Foundation. The need for secrecy to hide the treachery behind this slush fund reveals how corrupt the major political parties have become.

In November 1982, Sir Philip Baxter (1905-89), a distinguished former vice-chancellor of the University of NSW, claimed in his far-seeing 'Australia 2000', Quadrant essay, that Australia needed to rethink its overall policy on industry and employment, and should not let narrow agricultural and mining interests, searching for overseas markets, destroy Australian manufacturing by abolishing protective tariffs.
The threat perceived by Sir Philip has now overtaken Australia. Sir Philip argued that Australia must have manufacturing to provide employment and support for our national defence, and that self-sufficiency in all key industries, vital for our defence, should be our major national objective.
Sir Philip understood his policies meant Australians would pay marginally more for locally manufactured products than if they were imported free of tariffs. But he argued this cost should be accepted, the only alternative being the widespread unemployment and self-exaggerating net foreign debt seen in Australia in 1998.

Our national interest and defence have been seriously undermined by the removal of protective tariffs, which has caused more damage and hardship to many ordinary Australians than any number of foreign agents supplying secrets to an enemy.
This subversive policy has destroyed much of our local manufacturing industry, developed by the hard work of former generations of skilled Australians, and after nearly thirty years of substantial tariff reduction, replacement high-tech industries have failed to materialise to any significant degree.
The assurances of other nations to reduce their industry protection are often merely deceptive promises; and some Asian nations which offer greater tax concessions and cheaper labour to the foreign corporations are ahead of Australia in the sought after high-tech fields.

The weight of evidence shows that predatory transnational big business and global finance (IMF, World Bank, Chase Manhattan, Citicorp, et al) have conspired with American President Bill Clinton, and his unelected Zionist advisers, Madeleine Albright, US Secretary of State; William Cohen, US Defence Secretary; Robert Rubin, US Treasury Secretary; and Alan Greenspan, the powerful Chairman of the privately owned, profit-making and deceptively named US Federal Reserve Board, to impose their brand of economic domination and exploitation on the world economy.

Economics faculties in Australian universities are still teaching economic rationalism, the economic ideology of the transnational corporations, with American Paul A Samuelson's Economics (many editions) as the ubiquitous textbook.
Long after the predicted, destructive consequences of economic rationalism for Australia have been witnessed, this doctrine continues to be taught.
University students showing promise are marked for further training and indoctrination with the IMF, to become IMF puppets.

Senior Federal Treasury and Reserve Bank officials, many of whom have been trained by the IMF, are now imposing largely "secret" IMF and WTO policy on the Australian population.
The subversive MAI treaty was close to acceptance by Federal Cabinet without any debate by the Australian Parliament and public. This is typical of what Australians are now up against.
Secret and unfavourable agreements, kept in the dark by a corporate oligopoly of foreign-controlled media, are being foisted on an unsuspecting public by what amounts to a well-paid, little-known and unelected bureaucratic traitor class, with little or no loyalty to the Australian taxpayers who presumably contribute most of their salaries.
One would probably find that most of these senior bureaucrats are Fabian socialists, whose career paths involve movement between Canberra's public service and the bureaucracies of the IMF, WTO and United Nations.
Career promotion for these unproductive, bureaucratic parasites is largely dependent upon their conforming to the one-world-government and globalisation agenda set by the dominant international organisations.
Have their blatantly anti-Australian policies been influenced by secret Swiss bank accounts?

Economic globalisation has provided enormous profits and immense power for the giant foreign corporations and transnational banks.
Nations like Australia, which are the victims of this economic globalisation fraud, are being enslaved with massive, out-of-control net foreign debt and the ruthless devastation of our public assets, local manufacturing, employment, social equality and justice, national sovereignty, natural resources and environment.
In short, over the past 15 years, Australians have watched as our inept and corrupt politicians have presided over a massive transfer of our public assets and national wealth to foreign corporations and transnational banks.
Thanks to a blatantly dishonest and unethical metropolitan media, this great swindle has happened with remarkably little protest from Australians.

Professor Hugh Stretton (Visiting Research Fellow, Department of Economics, University of Adelaide) has provided an excellent criticism of Australia's economic and industry policy in his 'Poor Laws of 1834 and 1996' in Quadrant (December 1996).
The major problem is probably the gross professional incompetence, or knowing treason, of the New Class advice our federal politicians are receiving from the economic ideologues in Canberra's Federal Treasury.
Stretton claims that economic globalisation has been predictably disastrous for Australia and those responsible for this advice should be identified and removed.

The treasonable New Class removal of protective tariffs has put Australia on a self-exaggerating course towards industrial and financial ruin.
This began in a significant way in 1973, when former prime minister Gough Whitlam's unilateral, overnight, across the board, 25 per cent tariff reduction put Australia on the road to insolvency.

After Whitlam's industry policy badly weakened or bankrupted many Australian manufacturers, under prime ministers Bob Hawke and Paul Keating, predatory foreign corporations were allowed to own an estimated 90 per cent of corporate Australia, with most of the profits going to foreign shareholders.
Foreign ownership figures have been kept secret by Federal Treasury since about 1986 and the Foreign Investment Review Board exists in little more than name.
Transnationals manufacture where costs are low and much of our production has moved to Asia. Many skilled Australians were made redundant as only warehousing and sales outlets are needed to sell these foreign products. Few Australians working for foreign corporations are involved in strategic management or the skilled technical design of plant and products.

One must wonder how these federal politicians can live with themselves, given that they are responsible for the failure of countless hardworking, efficient farmers and the shutdown of the Australian manufacturing operations of businesses such as Black and Decker Power Tools, Grosby Footwear and Ralph McKay Heavy Engineering, to name three of thousands.

The New Class still threatens to shutdown our car industry, its associated automotive parts' businesses and other efficient Australian manufacturers, like Hoover Washing Machines, by removing their tariff protection.
Instead of further exploitation of Australia's rich bauxite and energy deposits, by adding value to aluminium, our competitive aluminium car parts' businesses are now threatened by the loss of our automotive industry.

With their insidious and pernicious religion of globalisation, the economic rationalists have destroyed what Australia needs.
Without manufacturing, Australia is becoming a nation without substance, a nation of servants and ultimately beggars. Financial deregulation and tariff removal have provided the following results.
Over the past 10 years, Australian bankruptcies have increased 300 per cent, while over the past 20 years, Australian manufacturing has lost nearly half a million jobs and we have a trade deficit on manufactures approaching $50 billion a year.
Recent Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) figures show that 19 per cent of the Australian labour force is seeking full-time employment.

Professor C D Darlington, FRS (1903-81), summed-up in the conclusion of his classic, The Evolution of Man and Society (1969), that small men in great positions may have as great effects as great men in those positions.
The difference is, almost by definition, that their effects are never what they intended.
(Or they are knowingly traitors.)

As Hugh Stretton pointed out in Quadrant, the former ALP Government had no mandate for financial deregulation, and this policy is doing the opposite of each of the things former Treasurer Paul Keating said it would do, and has turned the banks into big international gamblers for nobody's benefit but their own.

Financial deregulation has not lowered real interest rates; has not opened mortgage finance to poorer home buyers; has not lowered bank charges and profits; has not increased the funds available to Australian industry, or the proportion of those funds actually invested in productive industry; has not stabilised the exchange rate; and has not allowed market forces to equilibrate our foreign trade and payments.

When Paul Keating abandoned the exchange controls, Australians owed foreigners about $350 per head. Net foreign debt is now more than $12,000 per head, and borrowing to service the interest on this debt is increasing it at twice our rate of economic growth and is running Australia deep into what is now self-exaggerating net foreign debt.
Treasurer Peter Costello and the Treasury officials are already blaming the Asian economic meltdown for Australia's massive and unmanageable net foreign debt. Yet the out-of-control foreign debt disaster was well-in-train long before the Asian financial crisis.
Federal Treasury is either grossly incompetent, or a nest of traitors.

Chapter 32 of the 1997 second edition of Santamaria: A Memoir is entitled 'The Economy, Stupid!', and stupid is the late B A Santamaria's description of Australia's economic globalists.
'The Economy, Stupid!', is fourteen pages of similar but more exhaustive material - with a different emphasis - to his 1997 special News Weekly essay, and both deserve study.

Back when such labels had some meaning, Professor Hugh Stretton was placed on the political Left, and B A Santamaria on the Right.
With the brains of both Australia's Left and Right describing New Class federal industry policy as predictably disastrous, one would like to think the days of economic globalist domination of Australia were numbered.
However, as B A Santamaria rightly claimed, "the difficulty in turning the tide is in the fact that powerful individuals and forces are making enormous fortunes out of the ruin of Australia".

Australians are like a herd of cows being milked by foreigners.
Foreign corporations pay little or no taxation on profits that flow out of Australia. This gives them an unfair competitive advantage in developing new overseas plant and products.
This lack of taxation revenue, and the huge social security payments to the unemployed, have left the Federal Government with vastly reduced revenue for hospitals, universities, defence, etc.
Federal Treasury officials are now using the deceptively named "privatisation" to sell our public assets to predatory foreign-owned transnationals, in a desperate attempt to raise revenue to service the interest on the foreign debt.
These are one-off asset sales, with no further revenue for future generations.

Concerned Australians should study three books.
Shutdown:The Failure of Economic Rationalism and How to Rescue Australia (1992), edited by John Carroll and Robert Manne.
Australia 2000: "What Will We Tell Our Children?" (1997), by Jeremy Lee, provides the evidence about what has and is happening to Australia.
Economic Rationalism: A Disaster for Australia (1997), by Graham Strachan, provides a discussion of the objectives and operations of the predatory foreign corporations.

If mankind's survival prospects are proportionate to the amount of genetic diversity maintained among the interfertile members of the human species, then more Caucasians are needed in Asia and Australasia. Caucasian Australians are already outnumbered nearly 70 to one by the Chinese in China alone.

Some outstanding biomedical scientists tell us that inbreeding provides predictable stability and stagnation, while outbreeding with hybridisation creates variation, innovation, invention and change.
This may be true, but most Australians wish to retain the core character of the culture developed over more than 200 years and derived from millennia of European tradition.
We should also remember that The Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life is the subtitle of Charles Robert Darwin's (1809-82) classic, On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection (1859).

Sir Philip Baxter rightly argued that the two major uncertainties of the world's future, namely the population explosion and the possibility of a major war fought with modern scientific weapons, are not unrelated.
Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834) explained in his seminal An Essay on the Principle of Population (1798) that the natural tendency of population is to propagate faster than the means of subsistence.
Already serious in 1982, when Sir Philip wrote, world poverty will be widespread beyond 2000 and, according to Sir Philip, conflict over food, energy and resources is inevitable.
That populations are regulated by war, famine and disease was pointed out by Malthus and developed by Darwin.

In his address to the National Press Club, Canberra, 1996 November 27, General John Baker, Chief of the Defence Force, did not mention that political circumstances and cost are likely to drive future defence planning towards a greater reliance on satellite reconnaissance and surveillance, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), helicopters and precision guided missiles.

General Baker did speak of the need for self-reliance. Any claim to independence is fatuity when we have an annual defence budget of some $10 billion and fully import all the RAAF, RAN and Army missiles, the vital key to the modern military.

Without support and missile supply from the USA, our military could attack and defend only as long as its limited stockpile of imported missiles lasts.
The F111 and F18 delivery platforms have little destructive power without their explosive weapons. Although it is not classified intelligence, Australians are unlikely to read in the censored mainstream media that during the short Persian Gulf War, when both the US Air Force and RAF depleted their arsenals of iron bombs, they requisitioned the RAAF for resupply.
In any prospective, protracted, general conflict involving Australia, we would probably be given low missile resupply priority and put near the end of the queue. In defence terms, we are something much less than a State of the USA.
The American President and US politicians know we do not vote for them, and we thus serve as an unsinkable but expendable aircraft carrier.

Sir Philip Baxter shrewdly argued that the historical record shows that military victors tend to enter their next conflict using basically the same strategy, tactics and weapons with which they won their last war. Sir Philip believed that exploiting all the latest possibilities of scientific warfare is the only way a small nation like Australia can defend itself against much more prolific, potential aggressors.
But the economic globalists, with their doctrine of comparative advantage, have tended to preclude Australia's involvement in most significant scientific defence research and development, and have left us dependent and virtually defenceless.
However, there should be no inherent, long-term obstacle stopping Australian avionics research (espionage), development (licensing) and local manufacture of some our own guided missiles.
All we need is the political will, technical skill and bags of money.
Foreign corporations and banks are making a silent and bloodless fortune out of the industrial plunder and financial ruin of Australia.
Most of those who control or are employed by foreign-owned transnationals and global finance; importers and numerous other parasitic speculators; as well as the economic globalists who dominate Federal Cabinet and Treasury, Canberra's academia and the highly concentrated, foreign-controlled, metropolitan newspapers, mostly oppose selective tariff protection to encourage Australian manufacturers in industries judged to be vital, or having favourable prospects.
While Australia's federal politicians promote the industry policy known as economic globalisation, the ideology and propaganda of predatory transnational big business, they have total responsibility for the destruction of our manufacturing industry and the financial ruin of Australia.

One should read the essays of that great medical philosopher and surgeon to the king, Wilfred Trotter (1872-1939), in his Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War (1916), for an explanation why Australia's Federal Treasury bureaucrats and Canberra's academics, journalists and politicians still have faith in the doctrine that has predictably failed for Australia, named paradoxically economic rationalism.

In Richard Hofstadter's, "The Intellectual: Alienation and Conformity", in his Anti-intellectualism in American Life (1964), he describes conformity as a way of guaranteeing and manifesting respectability amongst those who are not sure they are respectable enough.
The nonconformity of others (eg, criticism of economic globalisation) appears to such persons as a frivolous challenge to the whole order of things they are trying so hard to become part of.
Naturally it is resented, and the demand for conformity becomes at once an expression of such resentment and a means of displaying one's own soundness.

Politicians are dependent upon public opinion which, in Australia, is strongly influenced by a corrupt and unaccountable media dictatorship. Most agree that the Australian Press Council is virtually useless.
The Australian Broadcasting Corporation is highly politicised, with a strong ALP-bias, and is populated largely by the arrogant New Class.
Australia would probably not have been reduced to relative industrial impotence and near financial ruin if its senior editors had done their jobs properly.

The blatant corruption of the metropolitan media, and the gross incompetence of much of the political and bureaucratic leadership, are destroying Australia's middle class.
We are witnessing the deliberate lowering of Australia's standard of living, to facilitate our economic integration with Asia on a so-called "level playing field".
The result is growing social disintegration and political instability similar to that seen in Third World countries.
Widespread unemployment and political disaffection will probably lead to riots with the possibility of a Police State similar to that foreseen in George Orwell's (1903-1950) Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), or seen in contemporary Northern Ireland.

So with a mixture of naive idealism, hypocrisy, gross professional incompetence, cynicism, corruption, envy, greed and narrow-minded political correctness, most of our time-serving politicians, Federal Treasury's economic ideologues and the New Class media, are going along with this betrayal and fraudulent exploitation, deskilling, disarmament and Asianisation of the Australian people.

Outstanding European political Machiavellians such as Georges Sorel (1847-1922); Vilfredo Pareto (1848-1923); Gaetano Mosca (1858-1941); Max Weber (1864-1920); Robert Michels (1876-1936); and Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) have developed Niccolo Machiavelli's (1469-1527) metaphor of the lion and the fox (force and fraud).
To balance the dominance of the New Class in Australia's media, bureaucracy, universities and parliaments, who are clearly fraudulent foxes, Australia desperately needs the rise to power of more forceful lions, with the courage of Pauline Hanson.

Clearly, in many respects, Australia has been destroyed as a sovereign nation, and is now dictated to by unelected international organisations, such as the IMF, and the privately owned US Federal Reserve Board, through the foreign-controlled metropolitan media.
Most of our so-called Australian federal politicians have become mere puppets of these foreign interests.
Patriots, like Pauline Hanson and Graeme Campbell, are smeared as extremists and racists by the Fairfax and Murdoch newspapers.

Contents
Treacherous Editorial Managers
Political Tunnel Vision
Concentration of Newspaper Ownership
Protective Tariffs
Adam Smith and Free Trade
Sir Philip Baxter
The Wall Street Zionist Factor
The Creature from Jekyll Island
Professor Hugh Stretton
Small Men in Great Positions
The Late B A Santamaria
Need for Genetic Diversity
Threat to National Defence
Australian Republican Movement
Port Arthur Covert Terrorism
Conformity and the Herd Instinct
Zionist Tail Wags Australian Dog
Destruction of Australian Middle Class
European Political Machiavellians
References and Further Readings